It’s been shown time and time again that women are most affected by conflict, including over this past year. According to Ela Alon, executive director of the Israeli nonprofit Itach-Maaki – Women Lawyers for Social Justice, the doubly marginalized women of Israel’s Bedouin community have been some of the hardest hit.
“Everywhere, women are more affected in times of war, but Bedouin women in the Negev are especially vulnerable,” Alon said. “Gender roles are reinforced. Women usually stay home with the children when schools are closed. They suffer economically. When work opportunities arise, men go out to work, but it takes women longer to return to the workforce. Single mothers, in particular, have no one to provide for them if they stay at home with the children.”
Around 300,000 of Israel’s Bedouins, a historically nomadic group of Arabs, live in the Negev. Many Negev Bedouins live in unrecognized villages that lack basic infrastructure, and even those living in recognized villages or towns often face discrimination and poverty.
Itach-Maaki’s projects include providing legal counseling, operating a Bedouin women’s center, and supporting gender equity advisors in Arab municipalities. (The organization, founded in 2001, aims to bring the voices of women and marginalized groups into decision-making processes.)
“We worked with 1,500 single-parent families,” Alon said. “Poverty in the Negev is severe, but their situation is even worse. They have no support beyond private sector organizations. The government has not provided meaningful solutions.”
Since the war broke out, most of Itach-Maaki’s efforts have focused on humanitarian aid in unrecognized Bedouin villages. “This is not usually our area of work, but we saw the distress of the women we assist. We realized that if attention wasn't directed toward them, they would be left without help,” Alon said. “These are the most vulnerable women in society: single mothers and victims of domestic violence.”
The situation was especially difficult at the beginning of the war.. Many Bedouins were working in communities near the Gaza border on October 7—some were killed or kidnapped, and others came to help and rescue people. Many were soon out of work after the areas they made a living in were attacked and then evacuated.
Unrecognized Bedouin villages were under rocket fire without protection from the Iron Dome or rocket sirens. During the first three months of the war, seven Bedouins were killed by rockets in the Negev, six of them children.
According to the Knesset’s research center, Bedouins in the Negev are 2,200 times more likely to be hit by a rocket than other citizens. “This created intense anxiety, especially among women who are responsible for the children and remain at home,” Alon said. “Protecting the family rests on their shoulders. There was a severe shortage of food due to a lack of work, and initially, food was not delivered to unrecognized villages.”
The organization’s efforts in the war's early months involved distributing food and providing emotional support to women and children. “This population isn’t used to receiving emotional care. A brave therapist came to their homes despite the danger and provided therapy on their terms,” Alon explained.
The therapy was supported by Nashmiyat, a network of women leaders in unrecognized villages founded by Hanan Al-Sana, an attorney from the Bedouin Women’s Rights Center. The network organized food distribution and emotional support. “A unique and strong leadership has emerged from this disaster,” Alon said.
The issue of protection against missile fire arose again with Iran’s attacks on Israel in April and early October. “There’s a serious problem with protection in the Negev,” Alon said. “Eighty-five thousand people have no solution except a few shelters, which are insufficient. During attacks, they try to escape to nearby areas, which is particularly hard for women and children, who are less mobile. Cultural norms limit women’s options, increasing their anxiety.”
Even outside of wartime, the rising violence in Arab-Israeli society deeply affects women’s well-being, which worsens during conflict. “While most of the victims are men, many women are also killed,” Alon said. “Living under threat in an unprotected environment greatly undermines the sense of security, especially for women responsible for children. Besides the dead, there are many injured people, and women carry the burden of caring for them. When the man is killed, the woman is left alone to care for the children. This has significant gendered implications, as women bear the burden of coping with what remains.”
Beyond war and societal violence, house demolitions by the government have also increased over the past year throughout the Negev. Alon noted that Bedouin women are affected differently by these demolitions. “In a traditional society where the home holds great significance, the impact on women is severe,” she said.“Women care for children, the elderly, and people with disabilities, and dealing with a demolished home is much more difficult for them. This also affects education. When the home is destroyed, it’s harder for girls to attend school, as priority is often given to boys.”
At the bottom of the social hierarchy in the Negev are undocumented women—Palestinian women married to Israeli citizens. These women, though living in Israel for many years, lack citizenship or residency and are ineligible for state assistance. “Some women were detained while on their way to receive medical treatment and were deported,” Alon said. “Over the past year, women who previously had residency permits have faced difficulties renewing them. We know of over 100 such cases, where women with young children were deported.”
The decline in women’s status during war is not unique to Bedouin women. Alon described a rise in domestic violence throughout all facets of Israeli society. “War conditions increase domestic violence, heightening stress and trauma. War changes people, creating internal pressures and financial burdens that impact violence levels,” she said. “We warned against the mass distribution of weapons last year, as it was done hastily without background checks. We suggested that the partner’s consent should be required, but that wasn’t implemented. There’s been a significant rise in the number of women affected by violence.”
“Some women don’t report violence due to the current situation,” Alon said. “They feel their complaints are insignificant compared to the experiences of others during war. Only severe cases receive attention, and there is also a shortage of social workers, reducing the availability of help.”
Itach-Maaki also addresses the legal aspects of employment for marginalized women across Israeli society. “One of the main challenges for working women is uncertainty,” Alon explained. “At the beginning of the war, schools and some workplaces shut down, but no clear arrangements were made until November 9. Even after that, not everything was resolved.”
Alon noted that the situation has changed again, creating new uncertainty. “There are shutdowns, and it’s unclear what’s happening. There are many temporary directives,” she said. Early in the war, employers hesitated to place workers on unpaid leave, but they had no work to offer. “Hourly workers, in particular, were affected. For example, a pregnant cleaning worker evacuated from Ofakim was left without income but received no compensation because her employer didn’t place her on leave,” Alon continued.
Itach-Maaki has called on the government to provide certainty to Israelis rather than relying on temporary directives. “In the north, the situation is developing daily,” Alon said. “There’s no planning or concern for the population beyond the Home Front Command’s instructions. What are working mothers supposed to do when they have to stay home with their children? A systemic solution is needed to avoid placing the burden entirely on workers who have already experienced a year of conflict and economic deterioration. The state provides no comprehensive, organized response, leaving women to bear the brunt.”
Although the organization has managed to assist women individually, it has struggled to implement a broader solution to help women who aren’t able to access aid. “There is chaos. Those paying the price for the war decisions are the captives, evacuees, soldiers, and their families. But marginalized women, who aren’t seen at the decision-making table, also suffer ongoing harm,” Alon said.
“These things aren’t considered when deciding to continue the war,” Alon said. “I don’t understand how this war continues when you see its consequences. Decision-makers don’t see them, and there aren’t enough women in decision-making roles.”
This article was translated from Hebrew by Marina Levy.
