Many foreign workers who have arrived in Israel over the past 18 months have paid thousands of dollars in brokerage fees, pushing them into severe debt and leaving them vulnerable to exploitation—and in some cases, human trafficking. That’s according to a report released Tuesday by Kav LaOved, an Israeli nonprofit that advocates for labor rights.
According to the group, the surge in abuse stems from loosened oversight since the ongoing war began in October 2023, when the government opened new “private tracks” for foreign employee recruitment. These routes operate outside the framework of bilateral state-to-state agreements that previously offered basic protections.
One worker from Sri Lanka contacted Kav LaOved in spring 2024, saying he came to Israel through a private track to work in construction and had paid $12,000 in fees in order to do so. Shortly after arriving, he was injured on the job. He asked the organization to help him find a doctor because, he said, he was afraid to tell his employment agency.
“I’m afraid they’ll fire me or deport me,” the worker reportedly said. Despite the painful injury, he continued working for months. When he eventually requested time off to recover, he was fired.
His case is one of many. Workers from India reported paying between $6,000 and $9,000 for agricultural jobs, and $4,000 to $7,000 for construction work. Sri Lankan construction workers cited fees up to $16,000. Nepali farm workers said they paid around $9,000 to $9,500. Thai workers said they paid the equivalent of around $1,000 for agricultural jobs and nearly $2,000 for construction—sums that represent many months’ wages in their home countries and are often funded through high-interest loans or informal lenders.
Some of these workers, upon arrival, discovered that their employers were unprepared to hire them—or had no work at all. Several were sent back to their home countries still in debt. Others were housed in storage facilities without beds or protection during wartime. Many worked 13-hour days for less than minimum wage, under rocket fire, in unprotected areas.
“They were afraid that if they left, they would be left without a job,” the report said.
In another case from fall 2024, a woman from Sri Lanka said she paid 15,000 shekels, or around $4,000, to come work in a factory, funding the amount through high-interest loans. Upon arrival, she was sent to live in the home of the company’s CEO and told to clean.
“They said there’s a problem with the worker housing at the factory,” the worker reportedly said. When she complained and asked to be transferred to the job she had paid for, her employer sent her back to Sri Lanka, leaving her with no legal way to return to Israel.
In other cases, workers were brought to Israel but left for months without any work or wages—despite legal requirements that personnel companies must pay wages regardless. In one incident in winter 2024, two Indian construction workers told Kav LaOved they were employed for two months, but then their contractor announced he no longer needed them. They waited in their dormitory while contacting the agency that had brought them, only to discover that the company had falsely reported to the authorities that they had abandoned their jobs. This move allowed the company to avoid paying their October wages. Similar cases were reported across the agriculture and industrial sectors.
According to Kav LaOved, this pattern reflects a broader retreat from the state’s previous approach. For the past decade, Israel had limited the recruitment of migrant labor to government-to-government agreements that barred illegal fees. But following the war and the halt in entry for roughly 100,000 Palestinian workers, the government approved a dramatic policy shift. It tripled the target number of foreign workers—from around 110,000 before the war to 330,000 (about 3.3% of Israel’s population)—and removed key protections, including by authorizing private recruitment.
Unlike Palestinian workers, who return home nightly, foreign workers must be housed in Israel. Kav LaOved said that during the past year, many were sent to overcrowded rooms that lacked beds, storage, kitchen supplies, refrigerators, washing machines, and sufficient hot water, in violation of regulations. Many were also sent to frontline areas under fire, without proper shelters or safety measures.
One group of Indian agricultural workers told Kav LaOved in winter 2024 that they had arrived through a private track after paying $7,000 to $8,000. They were sent to a farm near the Gaza border, which was still under rocket fire. “We were housed in a large shed without protection,” they said, and were given instructions on how to take cover during attacks. They worked 12 to 13 hours a day in open fields without shelters and were paid 30% below the legal minimum wage. Their private recruitment agency, which was supposed to help them find new jobs, refused. Only after Kav LaOved filed a formal complaint did wages improve and construction begin on proper housing. Even then, many had already left due to the poor conditions.
Government Resolution 1752, which authorized the expansion of private recruitment, also promised increased staffing in the Foreign Workers Administration for labor inspectors, immigration enforcement, and police. But these plans have largely failed due to hiring difficulties and across-the-board budget cuts. Kav LaOved says that enforcement remains minimal, relying mostly on worker complaints and lacking proactive inspections or meaningful penalties.
In fact, the group says much of the enforcement effort is being spent on deporting workers who leave their assigned jobs—often without real inquiry into why they left or whether their new employers were authorized to hire them.
Kav LaOved added that some violations, such as illegal fee collection in the workers’ home countries, are almost impossible to address from Israel. “The workers are trapped by debt and afraid to file complaints,” the report said.
Even in cases where violations are found, the authorities typically issue only warnings. “Most cases are handled through administrative rather than criminal processes,” the group wrote. “Government agencies often choose warnings over fines, and employment permit restrictions over revocations.”
Kav LaOved urged the government to reverse course. “The state of Israel must stop and change direction,” the report concluded. “It must formulate a coherent, data-driven policy that looks holistically and long-term at each sector’s specific needs.”
The group called for an immediate halt to unregulated private recruitment, better implementation of bilateral agreements, and clear criteria for employers seeking to hire foreign workers.
Recommendations included requiring incoming workers to speak at least one language from a short list and ensuring access to qualified interpreters; creating formal placement mechanisms in every sector; and evaluating each employer’s readiness to host foreign workers. The report also called for more surprise inspections and stiffer penalties—including fines, permit revocations, and criminal prosecution of employers who violate the law.
Finally, the group urged the state to develop alternatives for employers who rely heavily on migrant labor. That means mapping the true scale of labor shortages in each sector and identifying the barriers to hiring local workers.